Tuesday, June 28, 2011

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  • kk_kk
    08-06 01:07 PM
    AFAIK, yes that is true.




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  • deafTunes123
    08-22 11:12 AM
    Is there any one in this situation?

    1. Date is current(because of interfile) and received 2 year EAD
    2. USCIS District Office IO cannot find whether the case is EB2 or EB3. Is it true or there any experiences?
    3. Does any one know of any pattern of how long it will take to approve the case once its assigned to an Office?

    Any input is greatly appreciated.

    Thanks,
    Thun

    EB3 INDIA:

    PD: Jan 21, 2004
    I-140 approved: July 2005
    I-485 ND: 09/04/2007
    RD: 07/03/2007

    EB2: (Same Employer)
    PERM: Jan 21, 2007
    I-140 Approved: 07/14/2008 with PD of Jan 21, 2004.

    Case Interfiled on 08/06/2008 (Attached the EB2 I-140 to the existing I-485 Application).
    Hoping that interfile is success.




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  • GC_SUCK
    09-11 03:24 PM
    October Visa Bulletin Is Out




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  • Blog Feeds
    01-30 06:40 AM
    Last week, White House adviser David Axelrod noted that immigration reform would not happen in the near term unless there was bipartisan support. That's really always been the case, but the comment seems consistent with something said this week by Senate Democratic leaders (as noted in an email alert sent by America's Voice today): During a news conference held by Senate Democratic leaders yesterday, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) and Chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Immigration, Refugees and Border Security, Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) both made clear their unequivocal support for comprehensive immigration reform and outlined their efforts...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/01/two-plus-two.html)



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  • GC_1000Watt
    01-04 10:55 PM
    Hello Gurus,
    Please let me know where can I book an appointment for H1B visa extension stamping in Canada and/or Mexico.
    Also if you have recently been there for stamping then please share your experience.
    The documents that are being asked for and the current trend etc.

    thanks in advance.




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  • mzdial
    February 12th, 2004, 11:41 PM
    i just can't buy into the digital lens system.. Lenses are such an investment and I'd hate to go to a system like that, then a few years later have them offer their new "higher end" camera with a full frame.

    I'll pass..

    Gaze [Archive] - Digital Photography News, Reviews & Forum

    View Full Version : Gaze




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  • roseball
    07-11 12:57 PM
    Do note that AILF does cover people who were eligible to file in July but did not file due to USCIS/DOS revised bulletin.....However, it is unknown at this time what the outcome of the lawsuit would be for July applicants vs eligible but non-applicants as the decision is at the discretion of the Judge.....

    IMHO, its better to file and get rejected......




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  • Steve Mitchell
    December 6th, 2003, 09:16 PM
    The images from the Nikon D2H - Canon 1D and 1DS shoout have now been posted.

    http://www.dphoto.us/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=74&mode=thread&order=0&thold=0



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  • jbourne411
    03-21 01:19 PM
    Hi Folks,
    I got the following email from USCIS

    On March 17, 2008, we mailed you a notice that we had registered this customer's new permanent resident status. Please follow any instructions on the notice. Your new permanent resident card should be mailed within 60 days following this registration or after you complete any ADIT processing referred to in the welcome notice, whichever is later. If you move before you get your new card call customer service. You can also receive automatic e-mail updates as we process your case. Just follow the link below to register.

    Eventhough I did not get notice yet by mail I am little confused and concerended with their message, I have couple of questions

    1) Does this really means my AOS application is approved? Is there anything else I should do?

    2) what is ADIT processing that they are referening to?

    Any thoughts or experiences from the gurus here is really appreciated.

    Thanks in Advance

    Jason




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  • dammeinmarrtin
    08-10 01:56 AM
    My wife and I got married here in the Phil.He wants to file for an immigrant visa.We've been searching on the internet for some info but unfortunately we have some problem with some sites coz we cant get access to it.I also want to know how long it'll take to process an immigrant visa and the fees.



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  • Raj3
    12-14 03:30 PM
    HI,
    My company is processing my Green card and recently applied my I-140. My wife is applying for residency this year. Most of hospitals are saying that they can sponsor only a J-1 visa. Can you please suggest if this would be a problem for my Green Card processing and/or her visa stamping (Since applying for G.C means that we wants to stay and J-1 means the other way round)?

    Thanks,

    -Raj.




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  • kelvincoper
    01-19 06:51 AM
    Hello,

    have a look at my simple effect using blur Filter through actionscript. Hope this will please you.

    link
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  • Comiccmadd
    07-21 05:34 AM
    Another one.
    I quite like these brushes, that's why im using them everywhere:D
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  • ajmh96
    05-21 10:34 PM
    Hello Friends,
    In January I filed i765 (17 month extension) and I received the 797C notice which had a typographical error (Birth date error caused by USCIS), so I informed USCIS and got that corrected. I received a letter stating that the birth date has been corrected but eventually, when I received the approved EAD card, the error was still there. Then, I reapplied the i765 form with all the necessary docs and the original EAD card, but somehow, it got lost. I applied the whole application set again but this time with the photocopy of the EAD card, the error proofs and a cover letter but no check/money order.

    It's been 1 month and I have not received any updates on my case. I called USCIS and they don't have any updates on the case. Do you think USCIS can cause a problem in approving my application and can I still work while my application is still pending.

    Ajay Malhotra



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  • nivas
    07-17 10:29 PM
    I had talked to IO today and I came to know that I am struck in the security check from past 3years, is there other alternative way to expedite this.

    ******************
    EB3 IN RD AUG03
    I 140 Aprroved JUL04
    4EAD/4AP




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  • theshiningsun
    02-12 07:20 PM
    thx aruben.



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  • praveen2008
    03-27 09:03 PM
    Hello,

    My wife is planning to attend for a H4 Visa Re stamping. I have couple of questions regarding the visa application process. Appreciate if you can help me with my questions

    1) In DS156 should my answer to the Question� �Has Anyone Ever Files an Immigrant Petition on your behalf� be NO. FYI, my 140 is approved and waiting on 485 priority date. I don�t think I gave my wife�s name yet in my labor or 140 approval process

    2) There is a section to be filled in VFS website called� Petition Details from 797/. I assume that principal applicant would be me. However I am not sure what to fill in the following questions
    Petition Receipt #
    Petition Expiration date
    Petitioner Name: I assume it is my company name

    Is the above info to be filled in from My 797 ( case type I129)or my wife�s 797( case type I539) Receipt #?

    Please advice

    Thanks,




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  • dpp
    07-17 09:45 PM
    Senator Durbin amending National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2008 H.R.1585 with "H-1B and L-1 Visa Fraud and Abuse Prevention Act of 2007".

    http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d110:SP02252:


    http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d110:h.r.01585:




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  • Jyothi
    02-12 11:23 AM
    pls delete this thread




    Blog Feeds
    01-24 07:50 AM
    A fat report and one with some helpful recommendations and statistics. Here are some of the more interesting items I found - - Of the top 150 H-1B employers, 24 were deemed H-1B dependent (a high percentage of workers on the H-1B) and 9 had prior H-1B violations. - Real earnings growth for US workers in occupations with proportionately more H-1B workers - particularly IT - was actually much stronger than the general US worker. - Engineers and IT professionals on H-1Bs were more than twice as likely as their US counterparts to have advanced degrees. - The proportion of...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/01/government-accountability-office-releases-report-on-h-1b-program.html)




    Macaca
    11-11 08:15 AM
    Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

    Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

    Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

    A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

    The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

    There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

    Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

    But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

    There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

    Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
    THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95



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